Report to Congress on
Implementation of the New START Treaty
Pursuant to paragraph (a)(10) of the Senate’s Resolution of Advice and Consent
to Ratification of the New START Treaty (Treaty Doc. 111-5)
NEW START TREATY ANNUAL IMPLEMENTATION REPORT
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Introduction
This report is transmitted in response to Condition (a)(10) of the Senate’s
December 22, 2010, Resolution of Advice and Consent to Ratification of the
Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on
Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms
(the New START Treaty”). The New START Treaty was signed in Prague on April
8, 2010, and entered into force on February 5, 2011, upon exchange of the
instruments of ratification.
Condition (a)(10) of the Resolution of Advice and Consent to Ratification of the
New START Treaty calls for the President to submit a report to the Committees on
Foreign Relations and Armed Services of the Senate not later than January 31 of
each year, beginning with January 31, 2012, providing:
A. details on each Party’s reductions in strategic offensive arms between
the date the New START Treaty entered into force and December 31,
2011, or, in subsequent reports, during the previous year;
B. a certification that the Russian Federation is in compliance with the
terms of the New START Treaty, or a detailed discussion of any
noncompliance by the Russian Federation;
C. a certification that any conversion and elimination procedures adopted
pursuant to Article VI of the New START Treaty and Part Three of the
Protocol have not resulted in ambiguities that could defeat the object
and purpose of the New START Treaty, or -
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(i) a list of any cases in which a conversion or elimination procedure
that has been demonstrated by Russia within the framework of
the Bilateral Consultative Commission remains ambiguous or does
not achieve the goals set forth in paragraph 2 or 3 of Section I of
Part Three of the Protocol; and
(ii) a comprehensive explanation of the steps the United States has
taken with respect to each such case;
D. an assessment of the operation of the New START Treaty’s transparency
mechanisms, including -
(i) the extent to which either Party encrypted or otherwise impeded
the collection of telemetric information; and
(ii) the extent and usefulness of exchanges of telemetric information;
and
E. an assessment of whether a strategic imbalance exists that endangers
the national security interests of the United States.
On November 2, 2011, the President delegated authority to submit the Condition
(a)(10) Report to the Secretary of State. On December 14, 2011, the Secretary of
State delegated this authority to the Under Secretary of State for Arms Control
and International Security. This Report is divided into sections covering each of
the items listed in Condition (a)(10).
A. Details on each Party’s reductions in strategic offensive arms subject to
the New START Treaty between January 1, 2022, and December 31, 2022.
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Below are each Party’s aggregate numbers of strategic offensive arms as of
September 1, 2022, as drawn from the exchange of data by the Parties.
NEW START TREATY
AGGREGATE NUMBERS OF STRATEGIC OFFENSIVE ARMS
Category of Data United States of America Russian Federation
Deployed Intercontinental
Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs),
Deployed Submarine-Launched
Ballistic Missiles (SLBMs), and
Deployed Heavy Bombers
659 540
Warheads on Deployed ICBMs,
on Deployed SLBMs, and Nuclear
Warheads Counted for Deployed
Heavy Bombers
1,420 1,549
Deployed and Non-deployed
Launchers of ICBMs, Deployed
and Non-deployed Launchers of
SLBMs, and Deployed and Non-
deployed Heavy Bombers
800 759
The New START Treaty obligates the Parties to reduce and limit their forces
so that seven years after entry into force of the Treaty, that is, by February
5, 2018, and for the remaining duration of the Treaty, each Party’s
aggregate numbers of strategic offensive arms as counted in accordance
with the Treaty do not exceed: 700 for deployed ICBMs, deployed SLBMs,
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and deployed heavy bombers; 1,550 for warheads on deployed ICBMs,
warheads on deployed SLBMs, and nuclear warheads counted for deployed
heavy bombers; and 800 for deployed and non-deployed ICBM launchers,
deployed and non-deployed SLBM launchers, and deployed and non-
deployed heavy bombers.
B. Certification that the Russian Federation is in compliance with the terms
of the New START Treaty, or a detailed discussion of any noncompliance
by the Russian Federation.
Based on the information available as of December 31, 2022, the United
States cannot certify the Russian Federation to be in compliance with the
terms of the New START Treaty. In refusing to permit the United States to
conduct inspection activities on Russian territory, based on an invalid
invocation of the “temporary exemption” provision, Russia has failed to
comply with its obligation to facilitate U.S. inspection activities, and denied
the United States its right to conduct such inspection activities. The Russian
Federation has also failed to comply with the obligation to convene a
session of the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC) within the timeline
set out by the Treaty.
The United States also has a concern regarding Russian compliance with the
New START Treaty warhead limit. This concern stems from Russia’s
noncompliance with its obligation to facilitate inspection activities, coupled
with its close proximity to the New START Treaty warhead limit. The
continued lack of U.S. inspection activities in Russia poses a threat to the
U.S. ability to adequately verify Russian compliance with the treaty limit on
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deployed warheads. As a result of Russia’s close proximity to the warhead
limit in its September 2022 data update and our inability to spot-check the
accuracy of Russian warhead declarations, the United States is unable to
make a determination that Russia remained in compliance throughout 2022
with its obligation to limit its warheads on deployed delivery vehicles
subject to the New START Treaty to 1,550. While this is a serious concern,
it is not a determination of noncompliance. Additionally, the United States
assesses that Russia did not engage in significant activity above the Treaty
limits in 2022. The United States also assesses that Russia was likely under
the New START warhead limit at the end of 2022.
While the United States cannot certify that the Russian Federation is in
compliance with the terms of the New START Treaty, it does not determine,
per Condition (a)(1) of the Senate’s Resolution of Advice and Consent to
Ratification of the New START Treaty, that Russia’s noncompliance
specified in this report threatens the national security interests of the
United States.
Refusal to Permit U.S. Inspection Activities on Russian Territory
Noncompliance Finding: The United States concludes that Russia is not in
compliance with its obligation to facilitate inspection activities under
paragraph 1 of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to the Treaty, and is
denying the United States its Article XI right to conduct such inspection
activities, because Russia has refused to permit such activities at any
facilities on its territory in reliance on an invalid invocation of paragraph 5
of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to the Treaty.
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Paragraph 5 of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to the Treaty provides a
limited right to temporarily exempt appropriate facilities from inspection
activities in exceptional cases for purposes not inconsistent with the Treaty.
In August 2022, Russia invoked the provision to purportedly exempt all of
its treaty facilities from inspection activities and refused a duly notified U.S.
inspection on this basis. Russia’s purported exemption of all of its treaty
facilities from inspection activities remained in place as of the end of 2022.
Russia’s use of the provision here is incompatible with its intended meaning
and use. This issue is discussed in more detail below.
The United States also concludes that Russia’s resumption of facilitating
U.S. inspection activities, in accordance with the terms of the Treaty, would
bring Russia back into compliance with these provisions and remedy the
noncompliance.
Background: P
aragraph 1 of Article XI of the Treaty states
For
the purpose of confirming the accuracy of declared data on
strategic offensive arms subject to this Treaty and ensuring
verification of compliance with the provisions of this Treaty, each
party shall have the right to conduct inspection activities in
accordance with this Article and Part Five of the Protocol to this
Treaty.
Paragraph 1 of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to the Treaty states
that:
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For the purpose of helping to ensure verification of compliance with
the provisions of the Treaty, each Party shall facilitate the conduct of
inspection activities by the other Party in accordance with the
provisions of this Part.
Beginning in March 2020, the United States and the Russian Federation
coordinated a mutual and voluntary pause of inspection activities under the
New START Treaty due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In June 2021, the
United States initiated correspondence in an attempt to reach a mutual
understanding on the resumption of inspection activities. Since that time
and despite two in-person bilateral meetings, numerous calls, and an
extensive exchange of papers, Russia has only increased the number of its
ostensible COVID-19 requirements and additional preconditions it claimed
to require before assenting to the resumption of inspection activities.
In June 2022, the United States, judging that the remaining issues related to
the resumption of inspection activities were manageable under the terms
of the Treaty, chose not to continue the mutual pause. The Russian side
took no action to propose extending the pause in inspection activities
before it lapsed. On August 8, 2022, the United States transmitted to
Russia a treaty notification of intent to conduct an inspection. On August 9,
2022, Russia responded by “temporarily exempting” from inspection
activities all of its facilities that are subject to New START Treaty inspection
activities, citing paragraph 5 of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to the
Treaty, which states:
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In exceptional cases, and for purposes not inconsistent with the
Treaty, the inspected Party may temporarily exempt from inspection
activities appropriate facilities subject to Type One or Type Two
inspections and appropriate facilities at which exhibitions are to be
conducted.
The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) issued a public statement
regarding Russia’s rationale for invoking this Treaty provision and provided
a diplomatic note to the United States elaborating on the reasons for its
actions. The Russian MFA publicly stated, “Russia was forced to resort to
this measure as a result of Washington’s persistent desire to implicitly
achieve a restart of inspection activities on conditions that do not take into
account existing realities, create unilateral advantages for the United States
and effectively deprive the Russian Federation of the right to carry out
inspections on American soil.” While Russia cited “incomplete” work
between the United States and Russia regarding protocol for COVID-19
precautions during New START inspection activities, its rationale for
invoking paragraph 5 of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to the Treaty
centered on Russian grievances regarding U.S. and other countries’
measures imposed on Russia in response to its unprovoked, full-scale
invasion of Ukraine.
The United States subsequently informed Russia that it would not conduct
the notified inspection activity and expressed concern about Russia’s
invocation of the “temporary exemption” provision. As of December 31,
2022, Russia had not rescinded its purportedexemption” of all of its treaty
facilities from inspection activities. The United States sought to discuss its
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concerns about Russia’s “temporary exemptionat a session of the BCC
scheduled for November 29, which Russia unilaterally postponed four days
before the session’s scheduled start date. Russia subsequently refused to
reschedule.
Compliance Analysis: T
he “temporary exemption” provision was intended
to apply when specific conditions at a specific facility or facilities make it
difficult for the inspected party to host an inspection at that facility or
facilities for a finite period of time tied to those specific conditions at each
specific facility. Notably, the article-by-article analysis that the U.S.
Executive Branch submitted to the Senate together with the New START
Treaty states (emphasis added):
Th
e Parties agreed that this provision was necessary in order to
preclude inspections at facilities that were involved in contingency
operations important to the national security interests of the
Parties unrelated to the U.S.-Russian strategic relationship. The
Parties also agreed that such exemptions should be infrequent and
would only be employed for purposes not inconsistent with the
Treaty. Examples of such circumstances include, but are not limited
to, the involvement of an air base in support of on-going military
operations or substantial damage and disruption of a facility due to a
natural disaster.
Russia’s purported reliance on this provision in the circumstances
presented here is not consistent with the provision’s intended meaning and
use. Russia invoked the provision to refuse U.S. inspection activities at all
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facilities on Russian territory until the resolution of an alleged, though
unsubstantiated, “inequality” between the two countries relating to the
U.S. and international response to Russian military aggression against
Ukraine. In invoking the “temporary exemption” provision, Russia has not
cited any specific conditions at any specific facilities. Instead, Russia has
publicly attempted to justify its blanket exemption by citing broader
Russian grievances in the bilateral strategic relationship and Russia’s
relationship with U.S. allies and partners. Thus, Russia’s current reliance on
the provision is not predicated on any particular impediment to permitting
inspection activities at specific Russian facilities.
Russia’s explanation of its invocation of the exemption includes several
rationales that are inconsistent with the intended use of this Treaty
provision.
Russia claims that it cannot exercise its inspection rights and that it
therefore must deny U.S. inspection activities to avoid suffering a unilateral
disadvantage under the New START Treaty. Russia’s claim of being unable
to exercise its inspection rights in the United States is false. The United
States has repeatedly informed Russia that the United States is prepared to
fulfill its obligation to facilitate Russian inspection activities on U.S.
territory. Contrary to Russia’s claim that Russian inspectors cannot travel
to the United States to conduct inspections, Russian inspectors can in fact
travel to the United States via commercial flights or authorized inspection
airplanes. There are no impediments arising from U.S. sanctions that would
prevent Russia’s full exercise of its inspection rights under the Treaty. The
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United States has been extremely clear with the Russian Federation on this
point.
Russia’s military and foreign policy grievances, including those related to
U.S. support for Ukraine, similarly fail to provide a sound basis for Russia’s
invocation of the exemption provision. The U.S. article-by-article analysis
indicates that the provision’s intent was to permit exemption of facilities
from inspection activities in order to safeguard national security interests
unrelated to the U.S.-Russian strategic relationship.” Russia’s desire to
respond to broader grievances with the United States over Ukraine by
keeping the United States from inspecting Russian facilities is not a
“purpose not inconsistent with the Treaty,” and runs counter to the intent
of the Parties, as described in the article-by-article analysis.
Lastly, Russia also claims that its use of this provision is justified because of
unresolved issues “related to the resumption of inspection activities under
the New START Treaty in the context of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.
The unresolved issues Russia references center on differing views about
COVID-19 precautions and protocols. This element of Russia’s justification
also lacks merit. The political commitment to pause inspection activities
was a voluntary, time-bound measure and was never contingent upon
mutual agreement or acceptance of COVID-19 protocols. Furthermore,
there is no basis in paragraph 5 of Section I of Part Five of the Protocol to
the Treaty for exempting facilities from inspection activities due to
disagreements over protocols for mitigating infectious diseases or
responding to medical issues during inspection activities. The exercise of
the inspection rights under the New START Treaty is not contingent upon a
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new mutual agreement or understanding on COVID-19 issues. The Treaty
text as written already provides sufficient protocol and flexibility for
contingencies that may arise with respect to COVID-19 during inspection
activities.
The provisions in the New START Treaty are legally binding and
implementation of COVID-19 protocols during inspection activities must
remain consistent with these provisions. Both sides have an obligation to
provide medical treatment, as necessary, to the other’s personnel during
inspection activities. Per paragraph 7(f) of Section II of Part Five of the
Protocol to the Treaty, “without prejudice to the privileges and immunities
provided for this paragraph, inspectors and aircrew members shall be
obliged to respect the laws and regulations of the inspected party.” The
United States has repeatedly expressed its willingness to adhere to Russia’s
COVID-19 requirements in a manner consistent with U.S. rights under the
New START Treaty. Perhaps most relevant to Russia’s unresolved COVID-19
issues, paragraph 5 of Section IX of Part Five of the Protocol establishes
rights and obligations for interrupting and canceling inspection activities for
reasons of personnel security and equipment safety. The parties designed
this provision to provide both sides the flexibility to ensure the safety of all
individuals involved in inspection activities without compromising the
inspecting partys inspection rights and without placing an undue
operational burden on the inspected party. This provision provides the
applicable framework for handling the emergence of COVID-19 symptoms
and positive COVID-19 tests among personnel on the inspection and escort
teams.
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The United States sought to establish a mutual and voluntary treaty-
consistent understanding with Russia on COVID-19 precautions and
protocols in order to increase the prospects for an efficient resumption of
inspection activities following the expiration of the political commitment to
pause inspection activities. The sides made some progress on these issues,
but Russia prevented further progress by unilaterally and abruptly
postponing the November 2022 BCC session scheduled to address both
sides’ priority issues, including the issue of the resumption of inspection
activities. Russia’s compliance with obligations relating to the BCC is
addressed in the following section.
Russia’s Refusal to Meet in the BCC
Noncompliance Finding: The Russian Federation failed to comply with the
obligation under paragraph 2 of Section III of Part Six of the Protocol to the
Treaty regarding convening a session of the BCC within the timeline set out
by the Treaty.
Background: Article XII of the New START Treaty states: “To promote the
objectives and implementation of the provisions of this treaty, the Parties
hereby establish the Bilateral Consultative Commission, the authority and
procedures for the operation of which are set forth in Part Six of the
Protocol to this Treaty.” Paragraph 2 of Section III of Part Six of the
Protocol to the Treaty states: “A session of the BCC shall be convened not
later than 45 days after the date proposed in the request provided for in
paragraph 1 of this Section.
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In the spring of 2022, the United States and Russia mutually agreed to
postpone the spring session of the BCC. During the following months, the
United States sought to reach an understanding with Russia to convene the
BCC at the earliest possible date. In October 2022, Russia proposed
convening a BCC in Cairo on November 29, 2022; the United States
accepted the proposed date and location.
On November 25, 2022, Russia informed the United States that it was
unilaterally postponing the scheduled BCC session for “technical reasons.”
In subsequent public statements, Russian officials have explained that the
postponement was intended to send a political signal about Russian
objections to U.S. military support for Ukraine and as a reaction to
purported U.S. unwillingness to discuss Russia’s New START Treaty
implementation concerns at the BCC.
Compliance Analysis: The United States accepted Russia’s proposed
November 29, 2022, start date for BCC-XX. Russia unilaterally postponed
the session and, despite U.S. requests, refused to provide alternate dates to
convene the session by January 13, 2023, 45 days after the initially
proposed start date. Russia’s rationale for this continued postponement
was again disagreements in the broader U.S.-Russia relationship. However,
there is no provision in the New START Treaty to excuse a failure to
convene a BCC session within 45 days of its proposed start date on such a
basis. Contrary to Russian public statements, the United States was
prepared to engage constructively on all BCC agenda items, including items
Russia proposed and prioritized.
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Deployed Warhead Limit
Compliance Concern: Because of Russia’s noncompliance with its obligation
to facilitate inspection activities, the United States has less confidence in
the accuracy of Russia’s declarations regarding the number of warheads on
deployed ICBMs, warheads on deployed SLBMs, and nuclear warheads
counted for deployed heavy bombers during 2022. In Russia’s most recent
data update, as of September 1, 2022, it declared 1,549 treaty-accountable
warheads. This warhead declaration is only one under 1,550 and is closer
to the limit than any of Russia’s previous declarations since the New START
warhead limit took effect on February 5, 2018. As a result of Russia’s close
proximity to the warhead limit and our inability to spot-check the accuracy
of Russian warhead declarations, the United States is unable to make a
determination that Russia remained in compliance throughout 2022 with
its obligation to limit its deployed warheads on delivery vehicles subject to
the New START Treaty to 1,550. While this is a serious concern, it is not a
determination of noncompliance. Additionally, the United States assesses
that Russia did not engage in significant activity above the Treaty limits in
2022. The United States also assesses that Russia was likely under the New
START warhead limit at the end of 2022.
Background: Article II(b) of the New START Treaty limits the warheads on
deployed ICBMs, warheads on deployed SLBMs, and nuclear warheads
counted for deployed heavy bombers to 1,550. The New START Treaty
obligates the United States and Russia to declare and count toward the
numerical limit warheads on deployed ICBMs and SLBMs (and each
deployed heavy bomber subject to the Treaty counts as one warhead
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toward the 1,550 limit). For ICBMs and SLBMs, the number of warheads is
the number of reentry vehicles emplaced on deployed ICBMs and on
deployed SLBMs.
The New START Treaty verification regime includes several measures to
strengthen each side’s ability to assess the other’s compliance with the
deployed warhead limit. Twice a year in data updates, each side must
declare the number of total deployed warheads that count toward the
1,550 limit, the number of warheads on deployed delivery vehicles at each
ICBM base and submarine base subject to inspection, the total number of
warheads on deployed ICBMs, and the total number of warheads on
deployed SLBMs. As part of a Type One inspection, the inspected party
must declare the number of reentry vehicles on each deployed ICBM and
deployed SLBM present at the ICBM base or submarine base subject to the
inspection. The inspecting party then selects one missile at the inspected
base and visually confirms the actual number of reentry vehicles declared
on it.
Conducting ten such visual spot checks year after year under the New
START Treaty has increased U.S. confidence in its assessments of the
accuracy of Russian warhead data declarations. Russia has not known in
advance which bases and which specific missiles the United States would
select during its ten Type One inspections per year. Additionally, the
potential risk of U.S. detection of Russian inaccurate declarations during
Type One inspections may have helped deter Russia from issuing false
warhead declarations due to the risk of being caught during a spot check.
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In 2022, the United States did not conduct any New START Treaty
inspection activities, despite attempting to do so in August 2022, at which
time Russia purported to exempt all its facilities from inspection activities.
Compliance Analysis: Russia’s close proximity to the limit in 2022, coupled
with the continued lack of onsite inspection activities, constitutes a serious
compliance concern. Because of Russia’s close proximity to the warhead
limit, Type One inspections would have been uniquely valuable for verifying
Russian compliance with its Article II(b) obligation in 2022. Had Russia
permitted the resumption of inspection activities in August 2022, the
United States would have had the opportunity to conduct up to 10 Type
One inspections to confirm the accuracy of Russian warhead data
declarations on missiles designated for inspection. If the number of reentry
vehicles on the inspected missiles matched the number Russia declared for
those missiles, U.S. confidence in the accuracy of Russian warhead
declarations would have increased.
Other Implementation Concerns
Certain other technical concerns and implementation-related issues remain
under discussion with the Russian Federation through diplomatic channels
and in the context of the BCC; however, those discussions did not occur in
2022 as a result of Russia’s refusal to convene a session of the BCC.
The New START Treaty established the BCC to promote the objectives and
implementation of the provisions of the Treaty. This forum for resolving
questions relating to implementation and compliance consists of members
from both the United States and Russian Federation.
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Concerns that remain unresolved and under discussion are described in the
classified version of this report for 2021.
C. Certification that any conversion and elimination procedures adopted
pursuant to Article VI of the New START Treaty and Part Three of the
Protocol have not resulted in ambiguities that could defeat the object and
purpose of the New START Treaty, or
(i) a list of any cases in which a conversion or elimination procedure
that has been demonstrated by Russia within the framework of the
Bilateral Consultative Commission remains ambiguous or does not
achieve the goals set forth in paragraph 2 or 3 of Section I of Part
Three of the Protocol; and
(ii) a comprehensive explanation of the steps the United States has
taken with respect to each such case.
During the course of this reporting period (January 1, 2022, through
December 31, 2022), no conversion or elimination procedures have been
adopted pursuant to Article VI of the Treaty and Part Three of the Protocol.
D. An assessment of the operation of the New START Treaty’s transparency
mechanisms, including
(i) the extent to which either Party encrypted or otherwise impeded
the collection of telemetric information; and
(ii) the extent and usefulness of exchanges of telemetric information.
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The New START Treaty provides for the exchange of telemetric information
on an equal number of U.S. and Russian launches of ICBMs and SLBMs, but
no more than five per calendar year. The provisions of the New START
Treaty’s Annex on Telemetric Information state that the Party conducting a
launch of an ICBM or SLBM that it intends to consider for provision of
telemetric information to the other Party shall, in a notification of such a
launch, specify all frequencies and modulation methods to be used to
broadcast telemetric information subject to provision to the other Party.
The Party conducting such launches shall not take any measures to deny
access to the telemetric signal broadcast and shall not encrypt telemetric
information that may be provided to the other Party.
Although no BCC session was convened in the spring of 2022, the two sides
agreed on April 11, 2022, through a decision signed by both BCC
Commissioners, to exchange, in 2022, telemetric information on one launch
of an ICBM or SLBM conducted by each Party during the period from
January 1, 2021, through December 31, 2021. That exchange was
accomplished on June 1, 2022.
For additional assessment of the operation of the New START Treaty’s
transparency mechanisms, please see the classified version of this Report.
E. An assessment of whether a strategic imbalance exists that endangers the
national security interests of the United States.
The United States continues to assess that there is not a strategic
imbalance between the United States and the Russian Federation that
endangers the national security interest of the United States.
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As detailed in the 2022 Nuclear Posture Review, the United States retains a
safe, secure, and effective nuclear arsenal that is sufficient to deter
strategic attack, assure allies and partners, and respond in the event of
adversary attack. Although the United States has less confidence in Russian
warhead declarations in 2022 as a result of Russia preventing the United
States from exercising its right to conduct inspection activities, the New
START Treaty continues to constrain Russian strategic nuclear forces and
provides insight into Russian forces that the United States would not have
without the Treaty. The United States assesses that Russia did not engage
in significant activity above the Treaty limits in 2022.
The United States continues to monitor the strategic implications of
Russia’s development of new kinds of strategic offensive arms.
The United States has made clear its concerns about Russia’s arsenal of
theater-range, or so-called nonstrategic, nuclear weapons. The IC assesses
that Russia’s arsenal of theater-range nuclear weapons comprises 1,000-
2,000 warheads and is likely to grow by an uncertain amount. Theater-
range nuclear weapons have strategic implications because any adversary
use of nuclear weapons, regardless of location or yield, would
fundamentally alter the nature of a conflict and create the potential for
uncontrolled escalation. The United States has repeatedly conveyed these
sentiments to the Russian Federation.
Although the United States suspended the Strategic Stability Dialogue with
Russia in response to Russia’s February 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine,
the United States remains committed to the objective of addressing all
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Russian nuclear weapons, including theater-range nuclear weapons, in New
START Treaty follow-on measures. As President Biden stated in written
remarks to the 2022 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference,
“Today, my Administration is ready to expeditiously negotiate a new arms
control framework to replace New START when it expires in 2026. But
negotiation requires a willing partner operating in good faith.” Russias
return to compliance with and full implementation of the New START
Treaty would be a critical step toward demonstrating good faith.